This article is devoted to the transformation of the philosophical concepts of Ismaili doctrine, which ensured the consolidation of the imam’s power in the Alamut state after the Nizari-Mustali schism of 1094. The Ismaili community of Persia supported Nizar, the eldest son of the late Imam-Caliph al-Mustansir, in this schism, while official Cairo sided with al-Mustansir's younger son, who assumed the imamate under the name Mustali bi-llah in 1094. As a result of the conflict, the Ismailis of Persia separated from the Ismailis of North Africa, and the Ismaili teachings of the Nizaris acquired their own characteristics. The article examines what concepts the Nizaris inherited from the preceding period (before the schism of 1094), which concepts were proposed to stabilize the community in the first decades of the Alamut state, and how the role of the imam and his relationship with the Ismaili community was reinterpreted after the proclamation of the Resurrection (Qiyamah) in 1164 in Alamut. The first part of the article examines the views of the pre-Alamut 11th-century Ismaili philosopher Nasir Khusraw. The second part examines the concept of ta‘lim (teaching) as interpreted by Hasan Sabbah, founder of the Alamut state. The third part analyzes the concepts put forward by the outstanding 13th-century thinker Nasir al-Din Tusi. The conclusion draws inferences about how the boundaries of the imam’s power changed over time, what changes the social structure of Ismaili society underwent, and how the understanding of “knowledge” in Ismailism changed.

The emergence of Sufism, or Islamic mysticism, was accompanied by a preaching of worldly renunciation and contempt for worldly authority. With the emergence of Sufi brotherhoods in the 12th century, a parallel narrative of “communicating with this world”, i. e. Sufi admonitions to rulers — began to take shape. During the era of Mongol rule (13th — early 14th centuries), as well as the early post-Mongol period, the authority of Sufi sheikhs gradually turned into their “symbolic capital”, a source of legitimacy for Iran’s rulers vying for power. The works of ‘Imad Faqih (late 13th century — c. 1371) offer rich material for studying the interactions between the Sufi abode (khanaqah) and the court. A renowned poet, he served as the head of a Sufi khanaqah in Kerman, caring for its prosperity and seeking the support of those in power. The article examines the leitmotifs of ‘Imad Faqih’s Sufi didactics. These poetic motifs reflect the personal history of the sheikh and poet’s relationship with royal patrons; but they also present a formative stage of the Sufi “political advice” narrative. The Appendix provides a translation of a chapter on “Admonition” from ‘Imad’s “Humayun-nama”.

The paper presents an attempt to analyze the theme of power (qudrat) in the works by Jalal al-Din Rumi using quantitative methods, mostly vector-semantic analysis. Based on the obtained results, representative quotations were selected. They demonstrate how Rumi seeks to find a balance between the absoluteness of Divine power and the human capacity for autonomous action. In accordance with the Islamic tradition, Rumi asserts that humans possess no power independent from the God. At the same time, he affirms the special status of the spiritual protectors — the awliya. The God grants them His power to alter predestination, not only concerning their own fate but also the fate of others, thereby modifying the very chain of causality from cause to effect. Furthermore, Rumi describes the relationship between humans and God as that of a slave and a Turkic ruler (reflecting the political realities of the poet’s era). This relationship is governed by rules of courtesy, which form the basis for distinguishing the faithful slave from the unfaithful one. The faithful slave is close to the Master, so he is capable to enter the intimate space of the Divine presence, while the unfaithful one becomes the prey of Shaytan, who, however, lacks independent agency and merely serves the commands of the Holy Master as His guard dog.

This article examines three interconnected domains through which Armenian Christians living in Isfahan during the Safavid period adopted and creatively transformed Persian artistic traditions. The article analyzes the incorporation of Islamic architectural and decorative forms into the exterior and interior decoration of Armenian churches in New Julfa; the depiction of a Muslim shah in the wall painting of the mansions of Christian Armenian khojas (merchants); and the relocation of the Armenian Christian scribal center, as evidenced by two Gospel manuscripts preserved at the Matenadaran (MS 6785 and MS 7639). The research is based on architectural analysis, iconographic and stylistic comparison, and the examination of manuscript colophons. The findings demonstrate that these phenomena should not be understood as signs of religious assimilation, but rather as expressions of cultural interaction, adaptation, and negotiation. Armenian Christians preserved their religious identity while simultaneously integrating elements of Persian artistic tradition, thereby forming a distinctive bicultural synthesis shaped through diplomacy and coexistence within an Islamic context.

The article analyses the efforts of Presbyterians to spread Christianity in Iran during the reigns of the monarchs of the Pahlavi dynasty, Reza Shah (1925–1941) and Mohammad Reza Shah (from 1941 until the coup of August 19, 1953). Protestant Presbyterians gained a foothold in Iran under the Qajar dynasty beginning in the 19th century thanks to successful educational and medical projects. The new Pahlavi dynasty and its modernization project presented new opportunities, as well as challenges, for Presbyterians. From the perspective of American missionaries, reforms and Westernization were intended to distance Iranians from Islam and therefore should be supported. Educational projects were expanded: while in the 20th century primary schools predominated, in the 20th century secondary schools became the focus, as Presbyterians hoped to influence the worldview of the children of the Iranian elite. Hospital activities were also subordinated to the goal of expanding the Christian community. However, Reza Shah’s national modernization project envisioned limiting the influence of external actors in Iran, so the Presbyterians’ work faced restrictions. Using archival materials from the Presbyterian Church in the United States, documents from Iranian government agencies, and the recollections of those involved, this article explores various aspects of the Presbyterians’ educational, medical, and other projects in Iran.

This article analyzes the narratives of the conspiracy text “Memoirs of Prince Dolgorukov”, which was published in Tehran in 1943 and presented an alternative version of the emergence of Bábi and Baha’i religious movements in Iran. Although the events of the “Memoirs” took place in the 19th century, the spread of the document continued throughout the 1940s, serving as a reflection of the cultural trauma and crisis of national identity during the Anglo-Soviet occupation of Iran. The article demonstrates how the text united three key narratives of the era: anti-imperialist (the constant threat from foreign powers), Islamist (the defense of “original” Islam from internal heresies), and nationalist (the cult of national unity and purity). By interpreting the religious movements as instruments of disunity within the Iranian nation, the author of the “Memoirs” alienates them and portrays society as the victim of constant conspiracy of foreign agents and their domestic spies. On the one hand, the document reflects the initial stage of processing cultural trauma in the Iranian society. On the other hand, the “Memoirs” serve as a tool of ideological mobilization that aimed at uniting a fractured society with a narrative of resistance to external and internal “others”.

The article explores the mechanisms of political construction in Shiism that the Islamic Republic of Iran uses within mass religious gatherings and local ritual practices to broadcast geopolitical influence, consolidate authority, and disseminate its religious and political vision. Based on field materials from 2024–2025, two cases are analyzed: the Alam aparan practice in Derbent and the Arbaeen pilgrimage in Karbala. The article explores the relationship between material elements and narratives of power legitimization. Through the concepts of Morton’s hyperobject and Bakhtin’s chronotope, the authors explore how the Iranian authorities enter the time and space of the “uncatchable” Karbala, projected “externally” including onto the Russian Shiites of Derbent. In Karbala, a macrostrategy of material and ideological support has been identified, strengthening regional soft power; in Derbent, we find a microstrategy of local adaptation and a symbolism transforming agency. The article explores visual-textual communication channels and the mutual activity of people and non-people in sacred space as key elements of a hybrid legitimization system.

The question of governance during the Occultation (ghayba) has been a central concern for Shiʿi scholars. Some have emphasized “waiting” (enteẓār), while others have proposed the theory of Wilāyat al-Faqīh. Using a descriptive-explanatory method, this article examines the evolution of Shiʿi political thought during the Islamic Republic across three phases. From 1979 to 1997: the central issue was the legitimacy of a jurist-led government during the Occultation. One group, centered on Ayatollah Khomeini, emphasized its legitimacy. Among his students, some believed in the election of the jurist, while others adhered to his appointment. Another group proposed a “government of a council of jurists.” From 1997 to 2009: the main issue concerned the relationship between “Republicanism” (jumhūriyyat) and “Islamicity” (eslāmiyyat). Mesbah Yazdi, Javadi Amoli, and Mohammad Yazdi prioritized Islamicity over Republicanism, while Montazeri and Mehdi Haeri Yazdi prioritized the reverse. From 2009 onward: following the 2009 election and the events of 2017, 2019, and 2022, a new question emerged: Has the Islamic Republic succeeded? Four types of political thought emerged: (1) substantive transition to an Islamic government (Mirbaqeri, Araki); (2) reformist approaches strengthening Republicanism (Montazeri, Sanei, Haghighat, Ghazizadeh); (3) fundamental transformation (Kadivar, Heydari, Fanaei); (4) withdrawal from political guardianship (Alavi Boroujerdi, Yathrebi). Thus, Shiʿi political thought has experienced one of its most pluralistic and dynamic phases.